Trevor Loudon | TheEpochTimes* | September 16, 2019, Updated: September 16, 2019
Commentary
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) is working closely with Brazilian Trotskyists from the Party of Socialism and Liberty (PSOL) to coordinate attacks against U.S. President Donald Trump and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro.
The U.S.–Brazil revolutionary alliance is conducted through revolutionaries in both countries aligned to an international Trotskyist revolutionary coordinating body—the Brussels-based United Secretariat for the Fourth International.
One of the key point men in the alliance is Pedro Fuentes, an Argentine-born revolutionary now living in the United States. Fuentes, along with São Paulo-based “militant and leader of the Socialist Left Movement” Bruno Magalhães (also known as Bruno Silviano), represented PSOL at the August DSA convention in Atlanta. During his speech, Magalhães declared, “We in Brazil are really, really excited with the Democratic Socialist movement here in the U.S.”
Also associated with PSOL are journalist Glenn Greenwald’s partner David Miranda, who is a federal congressman for Rio de Janeiro, and former PSOL member Adélio Bispo de Oliveira, who stabbed Bolsonaro in the stomach during a 2018 rally, almost killing him.
Pedro Fuentes
Pedro Fuentes is the “nom de guerre” of Argentine Trotskyist revolutionary Alberto Pujals. Born circa 1943, Fuentes “began his activism [in Argentina] as a teenager, when he and his brother joined a high-school student movement to reform the schools called Movimiento de Acción Reformista. In the 1960s, he joined Palabro Obrera, led by the Argentine Trotskyist revolutionary Nahuel Moreno,” according to a DSA Facebook event post. In 1971, Pedro’s older brother, Luis Pujals, a leader of the Proletarian Revolutionary Army, died in the “dirty war” against Argentina’s anti-communist government.
Fuentes was forced to flee Argentina, traveling across Latin America and Europe, where he continued working with Trotskyist groups in several countries.
Fuentes eventually settled in Brazil and, in 2000, began organizing with Movimento Esquerda Socialista (MES), a Trotskyist tendency inside the ruling leftist Workers’ Party. In 2003, the Workers’ Party split over pension reform issues, and several Trotskyist factions, including MES, subsequently founded PSOL—now Brazil’s fifth-largest political party.
Fuentes served for many years as PSOL’s secretary of international relations and still works to build ties between PSOL and other leftist parties. Though living in the United States, Fuentes still serves as a leader of the PSOL’s MES faction.
Fourth International and Mass Party of the Left
In the early 1990s, the Fourth International used its national affiliates in an attempt to rebuild the world revolutionary movement after the so-called “collapse of communism.” These efforts were modeled on the very successful Brazilian Workers’ Party—an amalgamation of leftist Christians, Greens, black radicals, ex pro-Soviet communists, former Maoists, and Fourth International Trotskyists.
In my home country of New Zealand, this concept materialized in the New Labour Party/Alliance Party, which ruled for a time in coalition with the “old” Labour Party. The Australian counterpart, Socialist Alliance, achieved little success, but in Germany, the former East German communists joined up with several Trotskyist factions to form the Party of Democratic Socialism (now Die Linke), Germany’s third-largest party on the left. Similar coalitions were formed with varying degrees of success in El Salvador, Mexico, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, the Philippines, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and some Scandinavian countries.
Many of these groups also maintained close ties to old-line communists, including the Maoist-leaning Belgian Workers’ Party, the pro-Soviet South African Communist Party, and of course everyone’s friend on the left, the Cuban Communist Party.
In the United States, Trotskyists from a small “socialist feminist” group called “Solidarity” joined with former pro-Soviet communists, DSA activists, Maoists from the Freedom Road Socialist Organization, and ex-Maoists from the Frontline Political Organization, to form the Committees of Correspondence (CoC) in Chicago in July 1994.
According to the September/October 1994 issue of Chicago DSA’s New Ground publication, “Over 500 delegates and observers … attended the founding convention of the Committees of Correspondence (CoC) held here in Chicago in July.”
New Ground reported that the speakers included Charles Nqukula, general secretary of the South African Communist Party; Dulce Maria Pereira, a senatorial candidate of the Workers’ Party of Brazil; Angela Davis of CoC; Andre Brie of the Party of Democratic Socialism of Germany; and a representative of the Cuban government.
CoC was supposed to lay the foundation for a new mass party of socialism—one that could eventually replace the Democratic Party. However, rampant sectarianism and lack of visionary leadership eventually turned the project to dust. Today, the organization still exists as the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, but it’s down to fewer than 200 mainly elderly members nationwide—many of whom hold dual membership in the DSA or the Communist Party USA.
While the Fourth International’s dream of an international alliance of new mass parties of the left lived on in Brazil and Europe, it was dead in the United States—until Bernie Sanders came along.
Rebirth of the DSA
From the start, PSOL and the broader Trotskyist movement welcomed the Sanders socialist movement that took the U.S. left by storm in 2015 and 2016. The DSA went to nearly 30,000 members from 6,500 in two years, and is now approaching 60,000. This was very inspiring to many Trotskyist revolutionaries, including Pedro Fuentes.
Writing on the Spanish language website Aporrea in August 2015, Fuentes and his PSOL comrade Tiago Madeira urged Trotskyists to get behind the Sanders movement:
“In our opinion, we must support Sanders. For us, the debate in the US, with its specific characteristics, is similar to what we face in the rest of the world. Will Trotskyists, without losing sight of our strategy, intervene in events and real political movements—however contradictory they are—to contend for influence. … We are talking about building new organizations, new parties—and respecting their leaders, even if we disagree with them.”
And support Sanders they did. Solidarity, the U.S. affiliate of the Fourth International, joined the DSA en masse to help lead the Sanders movement.
Fuentes has worked closely with DSA members in the United States and attended several DSA events. As mentioned, he was a PSOL delegate to both the 2017 and 2019 DSA national conventions.
Fuentes and PSOL comrade Mariana Riscali wrote of their experience attending DSA’s breakout 2017 national convention in Chicago on the socialist website Left on the Move. The PSOL delegates were very welcome and were given equal standing to large Marxist parties from Europe.
“PSOL was known by a large share of delegates. … We are proud to say it was MES, a slate from PSOL, that has made the greatest effort to establish this contact so that we are proud of our country being recognized by the DSA at the same level as the Momentum from England, Mélenchon’s Party [France], Podemos [Spain] and Bloco de Esquerda [Portugal],” Fuentes and Riscali wrote.
The PSOL delegates look to the DSA as a breakthrough in world socialism—the start of a new international hybrid left that might build a mass revolutionary movement where older formations such as the CoC and the Brazilian Workers’ Party have failed.
“Surely, this privileged relationship with DSA will allow PSOL to look from a more internationalist point of view [at] the international situation and the emergence of new political processes independent from the old social democracy or false Latin American progressivism as PT [Workers’ Party]. DSA is the best expression of the ‘new cycle.’”
In November 2018, Fuentes attended a DSA meeting in New York, where he was photographed with two admiring members of the DSA International Committee, Carrington Morris and Ella Mahony.
In June 2017, Mahony represented the DSA at the PSOL organized “International Encampment of Youth in Struggle” in Rio de Janeiro. The event was both a congress for PSOL’s youth wing and “a convocation of international solidarity.”
Solidarity and the DSA International Commission
In 2018, the DSA revived its decades-old International Committee. After splitting with the “moderate” Socialist International in 2017, the DSA began looking for revolutionary friends overseas. The International Committee became the DSA’s diplomatic wing, charged with cementing ties to foreign socialist and communist movements.
At least two Solidarity members made it onto the newly formed committee: Boston-based David Grosser and New Yorker Dan La Botz.
Grosser is a longtime supporter of El Salvadorean revolutionary movements, whose personal goal is to “build the internationalism necessary to bring down the US Empire.”
La Botz is a seasoned revolutionary with direct ties to the Fourth International and to several Latin American revolutionary movements, including PSOL.
La Botz was meeting with PSOL activists in Brazil as far back as 2014, and also met with PSOL activists in New York in November 2016.
In April and May 2016, La Botz toured several countries in Europe and Brazil speaking about Bernie Sanders and the U.S. elections. All of his talks in Brazil were sponsored by either PSOL, or by Insurgencia, another Fourth International affiliated group also active in PSOL.
In a May 2016 article on the DSA website, La Botz explained how Fourth International Trotskyists were working with mainstream communists and other Marxists to create broad-based political parties that could compete electorally in Europe, Brazil, the UK, and the United States:
“In France, Spain, and Brazil, there have been and continue to be attempts to found new broad left, radical socialist parties as an alternative to the Social Democrats. In France we have seen both the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA) and the Front de Gauche, in Spain Podemos, and in Brazil, PSOL. These efforts can be compared to those in the English-speaking nations where Jeremy Corbyn in the British Labor Party and Bernie Sanders in the Democratic Party clearly represent a similar popular reaction among youth and sections of the labor movement to the conservative policies of Labor and the Democrats.”
La Botz emphasized that the Fourth International had moved on from its notoriously violent and sectarian past to a strategy of bringing about socialist revolution through the electoral process. Forming broad-based electoral alliances with communists and socialists was to be the new path to the revolution:
“The New Anti-Capitalist Party came out of a merger of former members of the French Trotskyist Revolutionary Communist League (LCR) with environmentalists and other social activists. Anticapitalistas was formed by people out of the Spanish Revolutionary Communist League (LCR), also Trotskyist. Ensemble in France, which participates in the Front de Gauche, has members who come from the Socialist and Communist Party, as well as from NPA and the Trotskyist left. Similarly, solidaritéS Suisse [Switzerland], though it has Trotskyist roots, has also incorporated those from other traditions.
“These groups, if they were Trotskyist in origin, have by and large turned away from many of the characteristics once associated with Trotskyist organizations. At one time many of these groups held a dogmatic view of socialist ideology based almost exclusively on a very particular and narrow reading of Marx and Engels, Lenin and Trotsky. …
“They worked to organize ‘vanguard parties’ based on a supposedly ‘democratic centralist’ model and often attempted to take control of and to dictate to labor unions and popular movements. … The Fourth International … has developed a more broad-minded view of revolutionary socialism, and so have most (but not all) of its affiliated organizations.”
Hating on Trump and Bolsonaro
According to an article by DSA comrade Ben Dalton:
“The official topic at the first Brooklyn Jacobin [DSA-aligned magazine] reading group held after the [2016] election was socialist politics in Brazil, but the conversation kept returning to Trump.
“’I think you should be in the first line against Trump,’ said Pedro Fuentes, a visiting speaker and official in Brazil’s Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL). Around the room heads nodded. ‘Anti-Trump. This is the first task you have.’”
If PSOL and the DSA are united in their goal of building mass revolutionary parties in their home countries, they’re even more unified in the hatred of their respective presidents, Trump and his friend Bolsonaro.
In the United States, the DSA’s approximately 60,000 members are active in the anti-Trump movement in all 50 states. DSA comrades and their captive unions, non-profits, student unions, and even churches have organized thousands of anti-Trump rallies and meetings across the country. DSA comrades played a major role in taking back the House of Representatives for the Democrats in 2018.
Currently, the DSA is working with two pro-China organizations—Communist Party USA and Liberation Road (formerly Freedom Road Socialist Organization)—in the Left Inside/Outside Project to flip North Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Arizona, and even Texas to the Democratic column in 2020. If they succeed, Trump will be a one-term president, and the United States will almost certainly be lost. All the remaining free countries will then fall like dominoes.
PSOL has played a major role in almost every anti-Bolsonaro rally held before or since Brazil’s 2018 election. Their American DSA allies have tried to poison the waters for Bolsonaro in the United States as well.
At a meeting on May 26, the Collin County DSA (North Texas) Skyped in “three comrades from Brazil who are members of the PSOL … to talk with us about their organizing efforts against the current proto-fascist president of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro. Thanks to Mr. Pedro Fuentes of the PSOL, Ms. Alice Domingues, a student organizer, and Mr. Bruno Silviano, an organizer with the teacher’s union.”
“One of the most important things we learned from our comrades in Brazil was that opposition to Bolsonaro is huge in Brazil right now. At the most recent demonstrations against Bolsonaro before our conversation (which happened around the same time as DSA NTX and other area socialists, communists, anarchists, LGBTQ people, labor, and antifascists were protesting against Jair Bolsonaro’s visit to Dallas …)
“We asked our comrades in Brazil what we in the U.S. can do to help — the big ask right now was to boost awareness in the U.S. of the huge protests against Bolsonaro and show our solidarity. …
“Solidarity with the working class and oppressed of Brazil against fascism!”
The Trump–Bolsonaro Alliance Must Continue
Brazil was specifically mentioned in DSA’s Resolution #4, titled “Building the DSA International Committee,” passed during the convention, where the comrades resolved in part to “prioritize establishing relations with socialist and working-class organizations in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Canada, Brazil, the Caribbean, and Latin America broadly.” The resolution claimed that “an effective and orderly International Committee is necessary for DSA to transition into an internationalist organization.”
The DSA and their PSOL comrades are fully committed to destroying the Trump–Bolsonaro alliance. From the revolutionary’s point of view, presidents Trump and Bolsonaro are huge impediments to world socialism.
They understand that this auspicious pairing could do more to counter world communism than anything we have seen since the Ronald Reagan–Margaret Thatcher–Pope John Paul partnership of the 1980s.
If Trump can turn around the United States and Bolsonaro can save Brazil, the positive consequences will be felt across the entire Western Hemisphere. And it will not end there.
If Trump and Bolsonaro destroy the Marxist movements in their respective countries, the world communist movement could be set back decades. This would be a fantastic boon for world freedom.
Trump and Bolsonaro should immediately direct their intelligence services to investigate the DSA and PSOL’s transnational interactions and their network of international allies. The DSA–PSOL–Fourth International alliance needs to be countered and dismantled. It poses a more urgent threat to our freedoms than does ISIS or al-Qaeda.
This alliance is nothing short of transnational treason. We need widespread media exposure, international governmental cooperation, and firm legal action to put an end to this threat.
Photo: U.S. President Donald Trump (R) and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro (L) walk down the Colonnade before a press conference at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, DC on March 19, 2019.
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker, and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist, and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
Trevor Loudon | The Epoch Times* | January 22, 2019,Updated: February 17, 2019
Commentary
The United States is a deeply religious country. Very early on, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) realized that if the United States was ever to be brought to socialism, religion would have to be harnessed to the task.
Enter the CPUSA’s Religion Commission, where socialist pastors, religious academics, and laypeople network to spread Marxist ideas through their churches, synagogues, temples, and mosques.
As the United States is primarily a Christian country, the communists began to infiltrate churches, seminaries, and theological colleges even before the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.
In congressional testimony in July 1953, former CPUSA Chairman Ben Gitlow described how the first communist front was established in the United States, by minister and later Party member Harry Ward:>
“The Methodist Federation for Social Action … was first organized by a group of Socialist, Marxist clergymen of the Methodist church headed by Dr. Harry F. Ward. … Its objective was to transform the Methodist Church and Christianity into an instrument for the achievement of socialism. It was established in 1907, 12 years before the organization of the Communist Party in the United States in 1919.”
In testimony a few days later, another high-ranking communist defector exposed Ward as a card-carrying communist and a powerful “agent of influence” for the communist cause:
“The Methodist Federation for Social Action, headed by the Rev. Harry F. Ward, whom I have already identified as a Party member, was invaluable to the Communist Party in its united-front organizations campaign. It was invaluable because, through it, the Party was able to get contacts with thousands of ministers all over the country.”
That defector, Manning Johnson, also went on to reveal how the CPUSA’s Soviet masters had shifted emphasis to co-opting religion from destroying it:
“Once the tactic of infiltrating religious organizations was set by the Kremlin, the actual mechanics of implementing the ‘new line’ was a question of following the general experiences of the living church movement in Russia, where the Communists discovered that the destruction of religion could proceed much faster through infiltration of the church by Communist agents operating within the church itself.
“The Communist leadership in the United States realized that the infiltration tactic in this country would have to adapt itself to American conditions and the religious make-up peculiar to this country. In the earliest stages, it was determined that with only small forces available it would be necessary to concentrate Communist agents in the seminaries and divinity schools. The practical conclusion drawn by the Red leaders was that these institutions would make it possible for a small Communist minority to influence the ideology of future clergymen in the paths most conducive to Communist purposes.”
According to Johnson, the CPUSA set about infiltrating American Christianity at every level:
“In the early 1930s, the Communists instructed thousands of their members to rejoin their ancestral religious groups and to operate in cells designed to take control of churches for Communist purposes. This method was not only propounded but was executed with great success among large elements of American church life. Communists operating a double-pronged infiltration, both through elements of Communist-controlled clergy and Communist-controlled laymen, managed to pervert and weaken entire strata of religious life in the United States.”
All over the United States, CPUSA members went back to their childhood churches. Over time, many gained positions of influence. This activity ramped up during the Vietnam era.
Some examples follow:
In Utah, Wayne Holley was a proud member of the Mormon Church and founder of the Joe Hill Club of the CPUSA. Holley worked for “all economic and social issues including universal health care, fair housing, jobs with justice, women’s issues, and all ‘movements for peace.’ He fought against nuclear testing at the Nevada test site, the Vietnam War, and the MX Missile Program,” according to CPUSA publication People’s World.
In Chicago, Bill Hogan, a CPUSA member and Catholic priest, joined in the national campaigns to end the U.S. war in Vietnam, was a leader in Chicago Clergy and Laity Concerned (an anti-war group), and “was one of the plaintiffs in a pair of federal lawsuits in 1974 and 1975 that sought to stop alleged Chicago Police Department harassment of political activists,” according to his obituary.
In New York, CPUSA member the Rev. Richard Morford was executive director of the National Council of American–Soviet Friendship and a leader of the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam.
During the Vietnam war era, the American Communist movement split into Maoist, Trotskyist, and “democratic socialist” factions. The traditional CPUSA was dramatically reduced in numbers. However, far-left infiltration of seminaries and theological schools increased as thousands of young draft-dodgers opted to promote socialism in divinity school rather than fight communists in Vietnam.
Today, most of the leftist divinity professors and religious leaders come out of the 1960s Maoist and “democratic socialist” movements rather than the CPUSA.
However, the CPUSA did continue to make considerable progress in black-majority churches. Since the 1960s, when the CPUSA began to more deeply infiltrate the Democratic Party, a larger emphasis was put on recruiting black pastors. These pastors could be used to promote socialist policies within the Democratic Party, and to keep their congregations loyally voting for the left.
In April 2005, the CPUSA re-organized its Religious Commission with a conference in Des Moines, Iowa. The CPUSA’s People’s World newspaper quoted several participants to give a flavor of the event:
“‘The word of God and communism are hand in hand,’ said Diana Sowry, a school bus driver from Ashtabula County, Ohio. … Sowry is a union activist and also active in her church, where she sings in the choir. She feels communists and others who are working to defeat the ultra-right and advance peace, social and economic justice, and socialism are ‘doing the work of the Word.’
“The Rev. Scott Marks, from New Haven, Conn., said ‘people in the pews’ cannot simply stick to ‘feel-good issues,’ but must ‘be willing to go to the wall on the real issues.’ … [Marks] is a Pentecostal minister who leads the Connecticut Center for a New Economy. For him, this is doing ‘the real work’ of Jesus. ‘It’s not pie in the sky when we die,’ Marks told the World. ‘It’s how are we going to change things in the here and now.’ …
“In the session on work in local churches, the Rev. Gil Dawes, a retired volunteer pastor at Trinity Methodist Church here, emphasized that grassroots progressive religious activism has deep historical roots, and has to be re-energized today. ‘That’s where the right is way ahead of us,’ he said. …
“’People suffering will become leaders if they have a chance to put it together with other people,’ Dawes said. This kind of Bible study helped turn one congregation from fundamentalist to one of the most progressive, he said.
“In the session on Marx and religion, Paul Nelson, a Lutheran minister who teaches at a community college in Iowa, disputed the idea that Marx opposed all religion. What Marx denounced was an ‘illusory’ form of religion that served as ‘ideological cover for the exercise of aristocratic economic and political power.’”
Today’s Influence
Today’s CPUSA is still very active in the church. Here are some examples:
Edward Carson, chairman of the Boston Communist Party, was an editor for The Christian Century “Then and Now” blog.
Michael Adam Reale served on the CPUSA Religious Commission in 2004 and 2005. Reale told the CPUSA newspaper People’s Weekly World (later changed to People’s World) in 2004:
“I personally felt led to bring into the Communist Party three friends who are active in their faiths, one a Quaker, another who is the pastor of the United Church of Christ, and the third a Jehovah’s Witness—all three had expressed an interest in the party. We all need to confront the myth that communism is anti-religion. Communism is not anti-religion—it is anti-opulence. …
“I came to the Communist Party because of my deep Quaker faith. I have become convinced (a Quaker expression) of the ‘rightness’ of Marxism.”
In 2010, Pierre Williams was secretary of the Religion Commission of the CPUSA. He received his master’s in divinity from Virginia Union University in Richmond, Virginia. He also completed pastoral residency at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore and served as staff chaplain at Harbor Hospital in Baltimore. He is an ordained minister in the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and has been a member of the Florida Interfaith Commission on Children and Youth.
Henry Millstein, a practicing Roman Catholic, is an activist in several faith-based social justice organizations. He serves on the National Committee and the Religion Commission of the CPUSA.
Millstein holds a doctorate in Jewish Studies from the University of California–Berkeley and the Graduate Theological Union, with a focus on Jewish–Christian relations, and has taught humanities and history of religion at Stanford, UC Berkeley, UC Davis, and the Graduate Theological Union.
Millstein is currently programs manager at Islamic Networks Group in San Jose. His LinkedIn profile states:
“His background includes both academic and experiential acquaintance with a variety of cultures and religions, including Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and Native American traditions. In his current position at ING-Islamic Networks Group, he brings together his experience in moving across boundaries of faith and culture with his passion for peace, nonviolence, and social justice.”
The Rev. James Caldwell is one of two black pastors in the Houston Communist Party branch. He is a graduate of Phyllis Wheatley High School and Texas Southern University’s School of Public Affairs. He also attended Dallas Theological Seminary and has been an ordained minister for over 30 years.
The Rev. Tim Yeager was, in 2010, chairperson of the Religion Commission of the CPUSA. He has served on the Standing Commission on Anglican and International Peace with Justice Concerns and the Advocacy Center of The Episcopal Church.
After a Christian upbringing in Iowa, Yeager went on to study Russian and History at the University of Iowa. The Vietnam War was raging then, and he became involved in the anti-war movement.
“That opened my eyes to a whole host of issues. I moved away from Christianity and became a Unitarian. As time went on, I became a leader in left-wing student activities … I had read Karl Marx on Ludwig Feuerbach [a German philosopher and anthropologist] and decided that I had to move away from religion altogether and became a Marxist,” Yeager said in a 2015 interview in British local magazine Westcombe News.
Yeager also became chief organizer of the Communist Party in Iowa but was drawn back to the church by communist pastor Gil Dawes.
“I never really lost my connection to my home church in Iowa. It was part of my family. And then, I met a wonderful man named Gil Dawes. He was a Methodist minister and liberation theologian who showed me what I had not really taken on board, that Christianity and socialism had much in common and so I joined his church … but I have to admit that I had not yet become a Christian again in my heart,” Yeager said in the same interview.
In 2011, Yeager was ordained as a priest in the Episcopal Church, and, in 2012, he took on responsibility for serving a small inner-city church on the West Side of Chicago.
He currently serves at a church in London and is a member of the Communist Party of Britain.
Communists want to be gods on Earth. Their main competition for the minds of men is revealed religion. Attempts to brutally suppress Christianity, Judaism, and Islam in the early days of the Soviet Union proved counter-productive; infiltrating and twisting religion is far more effective. This tactic has been applied all over the world and has made huge inroads in the United States.
Much of what is preached today in U.S. churches have been influenced, if not dominated, by communist ideology posing as religion.
Feature photo: A priest walks to the sanctuary following a mass Photo by Jeff Swensen/Getty Images
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker, and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist, and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
Trevor Loudon | The Epoch Times | August 26, 2019, Updated: August 26, 2019
The recent Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) national convention in Atlanta proved two things:
A. The DSA is definitely a communist organization.
B. The DSA is rapidly becoming an integral part of the international communist movement.
Since cutting decades-old ties to the Socialist International in 2017 (SI is way too moderate for the new breed of DSA comrade!), the DSA has built extensive ties to radical socialist and communist groups in the Muslim world, Latin America, Asia, and Europe.
The international guest list of the DSA national convention reflected both the organization’s far-left turn and its commitment to worldwide socialist revolution.
Muslim World
From the Muslim world, the DSA hosted two Americans supporting Middle Eastern revolutionary causes and one representative from the currently unfolding revolution in Sudan.
Speaker Rasha Mubarak represented the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights, an umbrella network of supporters of the Palestinian revolutionary movement. The campaign’s advisory board includes Cornel West of the DSA and Ahmad Abuznaid, a Freedom Road Socialist Organization-linked activist and the son of Palestinian civil servant Nabil Abuznaid. The senior Abuznaid was a “close friend” and adviser to Yasser Arafat, founder of the U.S. State Department-designated terror group Palestine Liberation Organization.
Mubarak is the regional director for Central Florida of the Florida Young Democrats, co-founder of Floridians Responding to Refugees, and former central Florida regional director at the Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR), which was founded by U.S.-based pro-Hamas activists. Mubarak is also close to DSA members and pro-Palestine Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.).
Hanan Yahya, a staffer with the office of Detroit City Council member Raquel Castaneda-Lopez, represented the Yemeni Alliance Committee, which is sympathetic to the Iranian-backed rebel faction in the still-raging Yemeni civil war.
From Sudan came Nuha Zein, a geophysics professor and activist in the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), which is a leading element in the current Sudanese revolution. According to a Liberation News interview with Fathi AlFadl, secretary for information and member of the Central Committee of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP):
“The SCP maintains very close cooperation with the Sudanese Professionals Association. In fact, a number of the SCP work within the SPA. Also, as a party active in the field of trade union movements, the SCP attaches considerable attention to the activities and work of the SPA.”
Latin America
Latin American guests included representatives from the pro-Cuba Workers Party of Brazil and the Peruvian far-left group Nuevo Peru.
Bruno Magalhaes, a Sao Paulo-based academic, represented the Brazilian Socialism and Liberty Party, a mainly Trotskyist grouping that broke away from the Workers Party some years ago, essentially because it was too moderate.
Asia
Asian guests included a representative of ZENKO (National Assembly for Peace and Democracy) from Japan, which is stridently anti-American and is known to have worked closely with the Iraqi Communist Party in the past.
Lawyer Aaron Pedrosa also fired up the DSA crowd with tales from the Philippines revolutionary movement. Pedrosa is a leader of labor group Sanlakas and the Partido Lakas ng Masa (Party of the Laboring Masses), both of which were founded by former leaders of the Maoist terror group Communist Party of the Philippines/New People’s Army.
Europe
The first European delegate to address the DSA convention was Oliver Shroder, head of international politics and a member of the International Commission of Germany’s Die Linke (The Left). Directly descended from the Stalin-era East German Communist Party, Die Linke is now the major socialist party in the united Germany.
One of Schroder’s colleagues on the Die Linke International Commission is Gregor Gysi, the last leader of the East German Communist Party and a man repeatedly dogged by allegations that he was an informer for that country’s dreaded secret police, the Stasi.
Later on, the bill came Waltraud Fritz, representing the Party of the European Left, a more than 30-strong alliance of mainly communist parties currently serving in the European Parliament. Fritz has served on the executive committee of the Communist Party of Austria for the last 20 years. She became a member of the executive board of the Party of the European Left in 2004 and has also been a member of the Party of the European Left political secretariat since 2009.
Fritz passed on “heartfelt greetings of solidarity” from Party of the European Left Chairman Gysi.
She also heaped praise on the assembled DSA comrades, telling them:
“The Left forces of Europe are quite excited about what’s going on here in the USA. … The Democratic Socialists of America are at the forefront of the struggles of a different, of a new America in another radically changed world.”
She also emphasized the importance the European communists placed on the DSA’s work in the United States and vowed that:
“The European Left Party has realized the necessity to work together much closer with the DSA than in the past—much, much closer.”
‘By the Company You Keep’
The DSA portrays itself domestically as a noncommunist political organization that supports a “democratic” form of socialism.
The DSA claims it wants to make the United States more like Norway and Sweden, but on the foreign stage, it works almost exclusively with communist and Trotskyist political allies.
The DSA isn’t allied internationally with the moderate left-wing parties of Northern Europe, but with the openly communist parties of Western and Southern Europe and the “former” Stalinist communist parties of Eastern Europe.
That’s because the “democratic socialist” lie is only for naïve American voters. When the DSA welcomes its real friends into its bosom, they are almost invariably communists and terrorists.
Feature Photo: Democratic Socialists of America holds a rally in New York on Oct. 30, 2017. (Working Families Party/CC BY-NC 2.0)
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker, and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist, and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
President Donald Trump and the Republican Party had better be ready for a tsunami of new Democratic voters coming their way in 2020.
Far from the easy victory many pundits are predicting, there’s a strong chance that the president and his party (strong economy notwithstanding) may be overwhelmed by an unexpected wave of new voters coming mainly from the South and Southwest.
The same pro-China, communist-led organizations that almost won gubernatorial races in Florida and Georgia in 2018, and have almost turned once-reliably Republican Virginia blue, are aiming to mobilize a staggering 40 million new voters against President Trump.
If this network can mobilize just 20 percent of the new voters they are targeting, Trump will be a one-term president. Donald Trump Jr.’s recent prediction that the 2020 election will be a battle between “freedom and communism” will prove horribly accurate.
While most commentators are focusing on Midwestern “battleground” states, the American far-left is looking further South. The Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO) and its allies are looking to the millions of black, Latino, and low-income white potential voters in the South and Southwest who lean heavily Democrat but traditionally vote in low numbers.
If the FRSO can mobilize several million new Democratic voters in North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Texas, and Arizona over the next 18 months, Trump will find victory extremely difficult—even if he makes some gains in Northern, Midwestern, and Western states.
Florida, North Carolina, and Arizona are all extremely vulnerable. Georgia isn’t far behind, and even Texas is in play. If the communists can flip Florida and Arizona for the Democrats, Trump almost certainly loses. If Georgia and North Carolina turn blue, Texas is not even needed. If Texas goes blue, the Democrat/communist alliance rules the United States forever.
Who Is Jon Liss?
Jon Liss is one of the most influential and little-known political operatives in the United States today. A longtime leader of the FRSO, Liss has been building political influence in Northern Virginia for over three decades. He has been active in Tenants and Workers United, the Rainbow Coalition/Jesse Jackson presidential campaign, the Fairfax County Taxi-drivers Association, and the Left Strategies Collective.
Liss’s organization, FRSO, itself grew out of the Maoist “New Communist Movement” of the 1970s and has maintained ties to the People’s Republic of China. The FRSO is probably about 2,000 members strong, but it works in partnership with the 5,000 members of the equally pro-China Communist Party USA (CPUSA) and the nearly 60,000-strong Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
Working together in an alliance called the “Left Inside/Outside Project,” these three groups have infiltrated the Democratic Party in every state of the union.
Mass Voter Registration
In recent years, Liss has led New Virginia Majority (NVM), an Alexandria-based voter registration operation that has signed up several hundred thousand, mainly minority voters to turn Virginia to Democratic-leaning from a reliably Republican state. NVM is able to micro-target potential Democratic voters by using sophisticated demographic information and maps generated by an FRSO supporter based in the Geography Department of Wuhan University in China.
NVM’s Florida partner organization, New Florida Majority (NFM), almost elected far-leftist Andrew Gillum to the governorship of Florida in 2018, by helping raise the Democratic vote in the Sunshine State by more than 40 percent. Similar communist-directed mass engagement of minority voters almost elected Stacey Abrams to the governorship of Georgia and Beto O’Rourke to the U.S. Senate from Texas. They did succeed in electing Democrats Kyrsten Sinema and Doug Jones to the U.S. Senate from Arizona and Alabama, respectively. In North Carolina, FRSO activists have used minority voters to elect several leftist Democrats to local government positions.
State Power Caucus
The lessons learned in Virginia, Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, Alabama, Arizona, and Texas are now being applied on a national scale to oust Trump.
One of the main coordinating bodies for this ambitious project is the State Power Caucus, headed by Liss and FRSO affiliate Andrea Mercado of NFM.
Liss writes about this new strategy on the FRSO-aligned website Organizing Upgrade:
“Inspired by the disaster of Trump and Trumpism two years out, most organizers are engaged in barroom or coffee shop speculation about the 2020 election.
“Among the two dozen announced Democratic candidates, many debate: will it be Sanders or Warren, with their attacks on corporate Democrats? Will it be one of Hillary’s heirs, with their cozy relationship with Wall Street? Will Harris be the first Black woman nominated by a major party? If it’s Biden, do we sit it out?
“All of it is idle speculation unless ‘we’ collectively organize tens of millions of the 108 million eligible voters who didn’t vote in 2016. That’s right, one hundred and eight million eligible voters chose not to register or to vote in 2016. The non-voting block is disproportionately young, poor, and people of color.”
So what’s the solution?
“Dozens of state-based power building organizations have banded together to lead efforts to build a bottom up long term front against Trump and Trumpism. Over the last twenty-five years, state power organizations have grown to fill the political space created by the decline of Democratic Party local organization, the breakup and collapse of ACORN, and low levels of voter turnout. This reflects a shift from narrow Alinskyism and its very limited political engagement.”
For years, communist-influenced groups such as ACORN and its spinoffs have chipped away at the Republican voting base in scattered efforts across multiple states. What Liss reveals here is an effort to consolidate these groups into one front to massively amplify their effects.
“Starting in the summer of 2017, many leading state-power organizations have come together as a caucus to support peer-to-peer learning and incubate innovate organizing practices. Included among the organizations that have been leading the State Power Caucus are New Virginia Majority, New Florida Majority, California Calls, Washington Community Action Network, and Kentuckians for the Commonwealth.
“All told, there are 22 organizations from 15 states involved in the Caucus. Importantly, these organizations recognized the need to develop a systematic and long-term alternative to Trumpism.”
These groups, all affiliated with the FRSO, can credibly claim to have had a significant effect on voting patterns since the 2016 election cycle. However, they acknowledge that a much greater effort will be required to defeat Trump.
“We’ve also begun to assess the collective impact of state-based organizations. Looking at 2016, our rough estimate is that at most 4 million people were contacted and encouraged to vote. This is our high-water estimate. The actual number who actually voted is probably much lower still.
“Now, recall the 108 million people who were eligible but not voting? They are largely our ‘core’ constituency, or in other terms, they are our unorganized social base. This 108 million, when compared to the voting electorate, is more Black, more immigrant, more working class and poor.
“If we initially target just half of the 108 million, and we acknowledge that some in that half are going to disagree with our values and politics, some aren’t going to vote no matter what, and some are in geographies that we just can’t reach, we believe our real voter mobilization target number is 40 million, and we’ve agreed as a caucus to that number as our target. That’s our natural constituency.”
Liss sees this goal as a means to elect more socialists and communists to public office, but also to decisively defeat Trump as a step toward moving the country much further down the socialist road.
“The long game to defeat white nationalism and move past neo-liberal corporatism is by building a bottom up movement of 40 million people.”
New Party, New Society
In a follow-up article on Organizing Upgrade, Liss makes it clear that the State Power Caucus aims to go way beyond defeating Trump. The real goal is to build a new mass socialist party that will eventually be able to challenge for state power.
Liss is happy that the communist left has finally acknowledged the necessity of electoral work on the road to a socialist America. The Bernie Sanders movement has been a big part of this tactical shift. Liss writes:
“I’m old, but a little too young to have lived through the New Communist Movement of the 1970s and its battles to form revolutionary parties and pre-parties, that is, to build a disciplined band of professional revolutionaries to carry out a political line. … On the other hand, there is a unique, maybe even historic opportunity to build a political-strategic space to carry out electoral organizing.
“Increasingly, there is a sector of radical organizations who believe that electoral work is a key area of struggle. That is a huge shift from the last few decades: credit Bernie and his campaign for revitalizing the notion of socialism and the importance of elections, credit many immigrant rights, Occupy and Movement for Black Lives leaders for recognizing the need for mass action AND an electoral strategy.”
But all this new energy will be wasted without centralized coordination:
“It’s time to create a ‘general command’ or a place where all organized groups of people who view elections as key area of struggle and who view growing a base of radical ‘new majority’ Democratic voters as a central task. To be explicit, new majority Democrats refers to women, especially women of color, Black and immigrant voters, and sectors of young and working-class voters.”
It’s also imperative to support whoever the Democrats choose to challenge Trump:
“Our task is to build an organizational vehicle, what I call a ‘party-like space’ … around the following points: a) build a stronger, larger base of voters of color, younger voters and women voters (in Virginia, for example, Black women voters have been the motor for all progressive change), b) support existing state power organizations that is ,some of the dozens of social movement organizations contending for state level governing power, or at least organizations that are outside of the Democratic Party structures c) agree to support the Democratic candidate who emerges to take on Trump in the general election.”
So what would this party-like structure do? According to Liss, it would be “a valuable step toward a coherent approach for building a socialist movement.”
“On a strategic level, this party-like space would exist in order to build the foundations for a mass left organization capable of challenging elites in the two dominant parties, leveraging the strengths and demands of multiple movements, and making possible a struggle for life beyond Trump and Trumpism. Practical next steps should include:
1. Agree to these or similar points of unity … 2. Coordinate electoral plans. 3. Do real world work both together and apart, regularly and collectively assess progress, learn lessons and adjust strategies. 4. Recruit other projects and organizations to join this political space. 5. Develop working relationships to funnel members and volunteers to state power organizations, DSA, or the Working Families Party who are building independently of the Democratic Party, while also expanding the electorate and building the broadest front against Trump and Trumpism.”
Communist Inspiration
In order to illustrate the past successes of this approach, Liss cites the example of El Salvador’s often ruling FMLN, an electoral alliance built around the Communist Party of El Salvador.
“In El Salvador, 5 organizations under life-threatening duress managed to unite to create the FMLN. They started with very different strategic positions but created a process for collaboration and coordination. Over time, many of the differences were not nearly as important as the need to work together. Again, while longer term strategic considerations may develop over time, getting this real work started for 2020 is the way to start.”
Credible Threat
The FRSO and its allies have enough people and resources to make possible their plan to mobilize 40 million new voters against Trump.
Their leadership of the State Power Caucus and their control of 22 voter registration organizations in 15 states is no small army. Add to that massive funding from the Democracy Alliance, labor unions, and leftist foundations, and possible ongoing informational support from China. It’s clear that Trump has some serious under-the-radar opposition coming from the FRSO and the State Power Caucus.
These groups will work in California, Ohio, and other states, but the real focus will be Southern and Southwestern Republican-held states with high minority populations. North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Texas, and Arizona may well be the real battleground states this election cycle.
The outcome of the next election will either set the United States on a new upward spiral of freedom and prosperity, or it could send the United States and the West into a nearly unstoppable downward spiral into socialism and tyranny.
In World War II, the battle for civilization was decided in the battles of the Coral Sea, Midway Island, Normandy, and “The Bulge.”
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
By Trevor Loudon | via The Epoch Times | February 8, 2019Updated: February 12, 2019
Commentary
Government welfare is communism. Free money from the state, whether in terms of benefits, hand-outs, or non-universal tax-beaks is a trap that will draw people into socialism and beyond.
It’s a lot like cancer.
Stage one of societal cancer is “welfarism.” Citizens get a few benefits for the elderly, the very young, those who can’t look after themselves, maybe some student loans. The economy remains pretty healthy. The symptoms are mild and noticed by very few.
As things get more “social democratic” (stage two), the benefits become more universal and more generous. The selective tax incentives become larger. At stage two, most people are getting something from the government. Some people are getting a lot. The government help is no longer seen as a gratefully received lifeline to get through tough times, but rather a “right.” People who are dependent on state funds grow increasingly envious of those who get more. People who work hard and get little grow increasingly resentful of those who work little and get a lot. Honest self-respecting businesses are at a competitive disadvantage against those less scrupulous enterprises willing to “milk the system.” The economy starts to show signs of distortions and inefficiencies. Economic growth slows while social tensions slowly rise. A small minority notice some worrying symptoms. Most remain oblivious.
In “socialism” (stage three), things begin to spiral out of control. Taxes are now way higher, and the economy is sluggish or negative. Benefits and handouts are near universal, and health care, education, and most social services are run by the state. Quality of service considerably declines as fewer and fewer private businesses can maintain a competitive service-oriented economy. Increasing private sector unemployment leads to growing unemployment rolls, and a corresponding growth in taxes, welfare expenditure, government-makes-work schemes, and a rapidly expanding public sector. Those few surviving businesses either live off government contracts or have a corrupt relationship with government bureaucrats, organized crime, or both. Symptoms are now very obvious. The economy is imploding, waiting lines are endemic, and service quality is abysmal in almost every sector. A few are fighting back, but most are desperately trying figuratively to cannibalize their fellow citizens to survive.
Stage four is “communism.” Society’s immune system—the virtues of honesty, responsibility, and compassion—are virtually wiped out. The economy is in free-fall and social decline is evident everywhere. Resentment and jealousy are endemic. Hatred is rife, only just contained by the increasingly powerful military and state security services. The state controls all and is busily sucking every last ounce of life out of the economy and the people. Everything is free, but most of it is worthless. Health care is available to all (unless you’re an enemy of the state) but quality is abysmal, and the queues are endless.
Unless you are politically connected, your elderly and chronically ill will die long before they get to share a hospital ward with 12 other people, an army of cockroaches, and a toxic soup of filth, bacteria, and viruses. By now the disease is obvious to all. But by that time everyone is trapped. The leaders must watch their backs every second lest their rivals stab them. They must repress the populace with terror, lest the people rise up and hang their leaders from lamp posts. The army and secret police must leech off the workers to get enough crumbs to feed their own families. The common people cannot organize a revolt because in every darkened basement of 10 or 12 conspirators, three or four will be government informants ready to sell out their fellow plotters for a bigger room or a few more ration coupons for their families. This is the terminal stage. Death can be staved off for a while with outside intervention, but the only possible cure at this stage is a desperate, bloody, and, almost certainly suicidal, revolt.
And it all started with just a little bit of harmless welfare.
Liberty for All
It constantly amazes me as I travel across this great land how many Americans and even anti-communists fail to see the connection between government welfare and socialism and communism.
I often hear people tell me how much they love the constitution, but can’t wait for their Medicare to kick in. They’re for freedom but, hey, just got an extra benefit because their college-aged daughter is living at home. They love America, but they just hired another worker because the state gave them a wage-subsidy to do so.
These people are all patriots, but they’re allowing stage one cancer to take hold in their own country. How can they complain when stages two, three, and four eventually destroy all they hold dear?
A friend of mine in New Zealand, I’ll call him Ian, is a committed libertarian. He has a favorite saying: “Being a libertarian costs.” He means that figuratively, as in the emotional pain and spiritual anguish he has often had to endure. But, he also means it literally.
As a libertarian, Ian will take nothing from the state. In New Zealand, both health and accident compensation are socialized, and there are numerous incentives for businesses covered by the taxpayer. Everywhere you turn from cradle to grave there are government benefits, hand-outs, and tax incentives available to rich and poor alike.
New Zealand is stage two, bordering on stage three.
Ian won’t take any of it. He’s paid massive amounts of tax to the state but refuses to take anything in return. He drives on the state-funded roads because there is no choice; he pays for state-provided utilities if there is no private competition. Beyond that, Ian refuses every free service, every subsidy, every hand-out, every “incentive.”
If he injures himself, he is “entitled” to state accident compensation. He pays the taxes, then he pays out of his own pocket for his own care.
Freedom is everything to Ian, and he would rather pay double for many things than give up an ounce of his liberty.
If all of us were like Ian, we would never have to worry about socialism or communism again.
Welfarism, social democracy, socialism, and communism are cancerous and parasitic. If we do not let these parasites attach themselves to us, they cannot drain the life from our bodies and souls.
Every American must understand that the first step in fighting creeping totalitarianism is get off every form of welfare and government largesse possible. This may be difficult at first, but becoming a free, fully self-responsible being is the only real way to effectively fight for liberty for all.
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) (R) announce the Green New Deal outside the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 7, 2019. (SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images)
By Trevor Loudon | The Epoch Times | February 11, 2019Updated: February 11, 2019
Calls for a “Green New Deal” are rapidly building on the U.S. left. Promoted by openly socialist congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), the proposal calls for mass wealth redistribution, a federal jobs program, socialized health care, guaranteed minimum incomes, and the elimination of all fossil fuels from the U.S. economy by 2030, all in the name of fighting “climate change.”
n reality the Green New Deal is a deeply socialist plan formulated and promoted by bona fide communist groups.
The Green New Deal, which only a few years ago would have been labelled as crackpot utopianism, is heralded on the left as a serious program for addressing environmental issues and social inequalities.
So far, more than 45 leftist Democrats in Congress have endorsed the project, including likely 2020 presidential candidates Sens. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) and Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and declared presidential candidates Sens. Kamala Harris (D.-Calif.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). Former presidential candidate Al Gore has called the Green New Deal “part of the answer to global inequality.”
So far House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has balked at Ocasio-Cortez’s call for a Congressional Select Committee on the Green New Deal—but the idea still has momentum.
Christy Goldfuss, who was the managing director of the Council on Environmental Quality under President Barack Obama and now leads the energy and environmental team at the Democratic Party’s think tank the Center for American Progress, told the New Yorker that she had noticed the Green New Deal’s influence on senior Democrats.
“People are asking how are we going to address climate change at scale, not what’s our building-block approach,” Goldfuss said. “For me, that is a huge, huge shift, and it would not have happened if the Green New Deal had not come along.”
The Green New Deal, which “has come to define the progressive cause in Washington,” according to the New Yorker, has existed in several forms for years. The proposal echoes a United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) report from October 2008, when UNEP’s Executive Director Achim Steiner unveiled the Global Green New Deal initiative, which aimed at transforming the world’s economy and combating climate change through creating jobs in “green” industries. The Green Party USA has also promoted a Green New Deal, which includes massive defense cuts, for several years.
Significantly, the Manhattan-based Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (RLS) has discussed the concept since at least 2013.
“A Green New Deal is concerned with a just transition to a more sustainable economy, with improved provision of public services, and with strict regulation of polluters and financial speculators. While there is much promise in this approach, it contains unresolved contradictions and has been blocked by hostile forces. Moreover, it is unclear whether this agenda is adequate to the challenge posed by climate change,” stated the introduction to an RLS report.
“Building green socialism may be the only way to emerge from this time of crisis with a society that treads lightly on the earth while enabling a full range of human flourishing.”
descendant of the former Stalinist East German Communist Party. The RLS works closely with the United States’ largest Marxist organization, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), and the pro-China Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO), as well as the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), all of which are fully behind the Green New Deal.
Who’s Behind the Green New Deal?
The current Green New Deal exists in its “most authoritative form” as an 11-page Google Doc, according to the New Yorker: “The document was written over a single December 2018 weekend by the staff of the freshman representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and three like-minded progressive groups: the Sunrise Movement, a grassroots climate organization; the Justice Democrats, which recruits and supports progressive candidates; and an upstart policy shop called the New Consensus.”
All three of these groups are spin-offs of a New York City-based revolutionary training organization called “Momentum.”
According to Momentum’s website: “>We see two dominant traditions of organizing in the United States: structure-based organizing and mass protest. In the structure-based tradition, developed by Saul Alinsky and others, organizers start with one-on-one relationships to develop leadership and build a base that can advocate for the needs of particular constituencies. Structure-based organizations, such as community organizations and labor unions, make instrumental demands, using the base’s leverage over policymakers to win concrete reforms for their members. By contrast, in the mass protest tradition, autonomous groups of individuals create polarizing moments that inspire thousands of unaffiliated people to take to the streets around symbolic, popular social issues.
“The Momentum model fuses the strengths of the structure-based organizing and mass protest to seed a new tradition of organizing in the United States. Momentum synthesizes the lessons of various 20th century movements, including the Color Revolutions of Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring in North Africa.”
Momentum boasts of training activists from groups “doing some of the most important movement-building” in the United States, including “Black Lives Matter, Dream Defenders, BYP100, United We Dream, Showing Up For Racial Justice, 350.org, National People’s Action, PICO, and more.” All of these groups are front groups or close affiliates of the FRSO.
The Sunrise Movement, with established groups in several major cities, is the main cheerleader for the Green New Deal. Sunrise has heavily recruited activists from the DSA- and FRSO-affiliated groups, such as the Pennsylvania Student Power Network.
For instance, Stephen O’Hanlon is a former member of the Pennsylvania Student Power Network and founder and national field director of the Sunrise Movement.
The Sunrise Movement is openly endorsed by the DSA and several FRSO-affiliated groups, including Bay Area-based Green For All, which was founded by one-time Maoist and former Obama administration “green jobs czar” Van Jones.
The Justice Democrats, then co-run by Ocasio-Cortez (before she decided to run for Congress and join the DSA), backed dozens of far-left Democrats in the last election cycle, electing seven of them. Over 40 percent of their 78 endorsed candidates were either DSA members or endorsees. Several more were from the FRSO or CPUSA orbits.
The Justice Democrats also partnered closely with Brand New Congress, which is governed largely by DSA members.
New Consensus provides the theoretical backbone for the Green New Deal.
According to E&E News: “A policy group is being formed to support an energized progressive movement that’s taken Capitol Hill by storm under the leadership of Rep.-elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).
“It’s called the New Consensus.
“The 501c(3) nonprofit is in the process of being formed to provide a policy platform that will underpin the ambitious—and increasingly politically popular—Green New Deal aimed at weaning the United States off fossil fuels, boosting renewables and clean energy jobs, and building a ‘smart’ grid.
“Front and center will be Rhiana Gunn-Wright, a 29-year-old Yale graduate and Rhodes scholar who will serve as the group’s policy director working to flesh out details of the plan.“
Gunn-Wright was a policy team intern for former first lady Michelle Obama. In 2018, she served as policy director for the far-left Abdul El-Sayed in his unsuccessful gubernatorial run in Michigan. Gunn-Wright put together a “uniquely comprehensive suite of policy proposals, including a commitment to establishing a $15 minimum wage; tuition-free college for Michiganders with family income under $150,000; aggressive criminal justice reform; and the most detailed state-level single-payer health care plan ever,” according to The Intercept.
El-Sayed’s Deputy Campaign Manager Claire Sandberg traveled to Germany in September 2018 with DSA member and RLS staffer Winnie Wong. The pair held a meeting in the German Bundestag with members of the crypto-communist organization Die Linke.
Sandberg was also a founder of another short-lived Momentum spinoff, “We Will Replace You,” which aimed to target “centrist” Democrats not on board with the far-left’s agenda. One of her fellow co-founders, Waleed Shahid, was a Momentum leader, spokesman for the Justice Democrats, and served as policy director on Cynthia Nixon’s DSA-endorsed campaign for governor of New York.
FRSO General Secretary Sendolo Diaminah served as an official “adviser” to We Will Replace You.
The Green New Deal is a thoroughly socialist program conceived of and promoted by communists.
The DSA, FRSO, and CPUSA are all behind the Green New Deal. Even the Stalinist League of Revolutionaries for a New America, which supports North Korea, Iran, and the Russian annexation of part of the Ukraine, has backed the plan
It’s not surprising that communists are behind the Green New Deal. What is shocking is how many Democrats are willing to run with it. Some are even saying it will feature heavily in their 2020 campaign.
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
Trevor Loudon is an author, filmmaker, and public speaker from New Zealand. For more than 30 years, he has researched radical left, Marxist, and terrorist movements and their covert influence on mainstream politics.
